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California Supreme Court Hears Challenge to Proposition 8

by: Sam Ferguson, t r u t h o u t | Report

Outside San Franciso City Hall, Thursday, March 5.

People watch a live television broadcast outside San Francisco City Hall of the California Supreme Court's proceedings on whether or not to overturn Proposition 8. (Photo: Barbara Davidson / Los Angeles Times)



    The issue of same-sex marriage was once again in the California Supreme Court Thursday. For three hours, the seven justices of the California Supreme Court grilled attorneys on the constitutionality of Proposition 8, a constitutional amendment restricting marriage to heterosexual couples, passed by voters last November. Though the court held last May that marriage must be extended to same-sex couples under the state's equal protection clause, it now seems reluctant to overturn a constitutional amendment from the voters rebuking the May decision.

    The marriage decision last May was close. By a 4-to-3 margin, the court held that marriage must be extended to same-sex couples. But the voters of California responded by passing an initiative last November by a 52-48 margin, overturning that decision by restricting marriage to heterosexual couples. The Court is now faced with the difficult question of whether or not certain constitutional amendments may themselves be unconstitutional. The judges seemed skeptical of the idea that they should overturn the initiative, but seemed sympathetic to claims by opponents of Proposition 8 that the initiative does not repeal the rights of 18,000 couples who were married before the initiative passed in November.

    Despite the high stakes of the case, opponents of Proposition 8, including the gay rights group Equality California and the city and county of San Francisco, began oral arguments on Thursday by urging for a technical deficiency in the initiative. They urged the court to rule that Proposition 8 was a "revision" to the Constitution, rather than an "amendment." Voters can only consider revisions to the State Constitution after they pass by a two-thirds majority of the Senate and House of the California Legislature. Amendments, however, may be placed on the ballot through voter petition. Proposition 8 was placed on the ballot through the amendment process, so, if the court rules that Proposition 8 was a revision, the initiative would be invalid, as it was not placed before the voters after approval from two-thirds of the California legislature.

    But with the exception of Justice Carlos Moreno, the seven-judge bench did not seem sympathetic to this argument. Though the Constitution itself provides no definition of "revision" or "amendment," under prior California case law, the court has held that "revisions" must be structural changes to state government. Justice Joyce Kennard, who voted in favor of extending marriage to same-sex couples and will be a key vote in the case, was hostile to the opponent's argument that the initiative was a revision because it enacted such a fundamental change to the rights of gay citizens. During the argument of Shannon Minter, a lawyer for the National Center for Lesbian Rights, Justice Kennard asked, "Is it still your view that the sky has fallen in as a result of Proposition 8, and that gays and lesbians are left with nothing?"

    Chief Justice Ronald George, who wrote the majority opinion in the marriage case last May, suggested that the problem for the opponents of Proposition 8 was that the California Constitution, which has been amended over 500 times (compared to the US Constitution, which has only 27 amendments) is too easy to amend. He implied that the solution for the opponents of Proposition 8 would be to file another ballot initiative.

    The Proposition 8 opponents recognized that their argument was a "novel" theory, but argued that the court had never had the opportunity to consider such a case in the past. "A guarantee of equality that is subject to exceptions from the majority is no guarantee at all," argued Therese Stewart, on behalf of the city of San Francisco. "Our founders would not have allowed this to be done by amendment," said Stewart, arguing that Proposition 8 has to be interpreted as a revision because protection of minority rights from amendment by a simple majority is part of the structure embedded in the California Constitution. Justice Carlos Moreno responded to this argument, pointing out that prior case law had never held that the distinction between "revision" and "amendment" could not be expanded beyond the court's prior definition.

    The Attorney General's office, which also argued against Proposition 8 Thursday, urged the court to adopt a different theory, suggesting that inalienable rights in the California Constitution may not be stripped through the initiative process. But Christopher Krueger, who argued on behalf of the state, often stumbled through his argument. Justices from the court, including Marvin Baxter, Ronald George and Carol Corrigan, all pressed Krueger to define which rights the court should deem "inalienable," and Krueger did not seem to come up with a satisfactory answer for the Justices.

    Kenneth Starr, formerly the special prosecutor of Clinton-impeachment fame, argued on behalf of the proponents of Proposition 8. Starr began his argument by saying that "the right of the people is inalienable to control their Constitution." He rebutted the state's position that the voters may not strip citizens of their inalienable constitutional rights, adding that "people have the raw power to define the nature of the rights." He argued that this is the reason why citizens ultimately consent to be governed, because they can overrule decisions by elected or judicial officials through constitutional amendment if necessary.

    The key justice may well turn out to be Justice Kennard, who originally concurred with the majority decision in May to extend marriage to same-sex couples, but seemed less sympathetic to same-sex marriage advocates on Thursday. She began by arguing with Raymond Marshall, a lawyer for Equality California, saying that the amendment was not a stripping of equal-protection rights, just a change in the definition of marriage, as gays would still be protected under the "strict scrutiny" doctrine and would retain domestic partnership rights. Later, she paraphrased Christopher Krueger's argument as urging the Court to "willy-nilly disregard the people." She continued, "The people establish the Constitution. As judges, our power is very limited." In her final question of the day, she concluded, "I stick by my concurrence in the marriage cases, but this case is different."

    However, the fortunes of gay marriage advocates seemed to change when the court considered the retroactive impact of Proposition 8. Many of the justices, including Carol Corrigan and Ming Chin, who voted against the original marriage decision, ripped into Kenneth Starr while questioning him about the retroactive effects of Proposition 8.

    Opponents of Proposition 8 expect a decision in April or May. The court has 90 days to issue an opinion.

  

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Sam Ferguson is currently a Yale Law School Robina International Human Rights fellow, and is residing in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He is writing a book about prosecuting military atrocities committed during the Dirty War. In March, he will begin a Fulbright Fellowship.

Comments

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I don't think the

I don't think the pro-equality arguments have been made succinctly enough in light of the questions the justices asked in oral arguments. Here's a linear analysis: 1. constitutions are in place to protect the minority, as the majority has the raw political power to protect its own interests. 2. the sovereign people have already imposed upon themselves limits on their own ability to change their constitution. 3. there are two pathways to change the CA Constitution, the "revision" pathway has higher protections for minority interests than the easier amendment route. 4. Modern equal protection and due process analysis evaluate the constitutionality of laws effecting either "fundamental rights" [like marriage, free speech] or "suspect classes" [like race] by applying "strict scrutiny", the highest of 3 "tests" where the proponents of the law have to prove to the court that there is compelling state interest in the goal of the law and that there is no less restrictive way to achieve that goal. 5. Since Prop 8 effects BOTH a "fundamental right" and a "suspect class", it should trigger the highest test, something like "super strict scrutiny", on the ability of the people to amend their constitution. 6. Super strict scrutiny for a direct-vote referendum should be the process of "revision" [with its prior review by the legislature], not just "amendment" by 50%+1 of voters. 7. If the majority can change laws to restrict either a fundamental right or a suspect class or both by direct-vote 50%+1, then there's no real protection at all in the constitution for a minority, as the people have effectively withdrawn the heightened protections they wrote into their own constitution. 8. Why can the people be allowed to pass laws by the low burden of 50%+1 amendment that, if passed by the legislature, the courts would find unconstitutional via strict scrutiny. 9. Ken Starr said, the people, as sovereign, are allowed to make unwise decisions. Please, CA SCt., protect us from our own unwise decision in Prop 8!

Thank you. Thank you. Thank

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.

The other issues not yet

The other issues not yet mentioned in this case are the separation of church and state, and the promulgation of lies in support of an election outcome. The funding for the promotion of the amendment came from the Mormon Church. If the Mormon Church is now a political action group, its tax exemption as a church should be removed. The television and radio ads in favor of the amendment stated that school children would be forced to attend gay weddings. This is, of course, pure fiction, but enough voters were fooled by these ads to make the amendment pass. Polls taken shortly after the election showed that many people who voted for the amendment now regret their vote. If this is so, then Chief Justice George's comment suggesting that the amendment could be overturned during the next election cycle might well be the way this issue will be resolved.

MarcoLuxe's argument starts

MarcoLuxe's argument starts off with an incorrect proposition: Constitutions are not in place to protect minority rights, they are the people's direction as to how they are to be governed. Bills of rights or equal protection clauses are designed to protect people from the tyranny of the majority. These, too, can be amended by the people in accordance with the constitution. Despite, or perhaps because of, the truly breathtaking intellectual gymnastics engaged in by the CA Supreme Court in May, the majority did not apply the people's directions correctly, and in November the people told them explicitly how they intended the word "marriage" to be used in CA law, notwithstanding their gymnastics. That gays and lesbians feel slighted and "less equal" by this definition is unfortunate, but not unconstitutional. Gays and lesbians have yet to explain how they are unequal if civil unions mirror marriage in virtually every particular.

Is it a fair Constitutional

Is it a fair Constitutional Right to demand that women have a "penis" in their bed, That they must marry "any man....regardless of social abuses toward her, can marry any man that is mentally challenged, or a man old enough to be her Grandfather..." If so, something is terribly a skewed. I might add immoral!!! Men are not God-God is not Man and I do not want to have a penis rule my life.

It is not up to the court to

It is not up to the court to protect the electorate from its own unwise decisions. I also notice that the pro-"equality" side did not cite any court cases to uphold their position, while the defenders of Prop 8 cited plenty of court cases, including those that upheld amendments that reduced the scope of state constitutional protections (i.e., the freedom from cruel and unusual punishment).

What a pile of high minded

What a pile of high minded crap. You love who you lust. Anyone who thinks marriage is an exercise in equality needs to go to a 'gay' wedding, or better than that a 'gay' household. From what I've seen there is nothing 'gay' about a gay relationship. I might not like what they do, but I will fight for they're right to do itl There might be something I do that others don't like.

If we'd had better

If we'd had better immigration control in previous years, Proposition 8 would not have passed. Sad, politically "incorrect" -- but true.

It seems to me that the

It seems to me that the whole issue can be solved by applying the US Constitutions requirement of "separation of church and state." Under this principal, every couple wishing to be joined as a couple would apply to the state for a "certificate of civil union" which would afford them all legal rights. That couple would then also be able to find a religious organization that would, through an appropriate ceremony, provide that couple with a "marriage certificate."