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Tentative Accord Reached in Najaf to Halt Fighting    •
Iraqi Holy City Left Broken by Urban Warfare    •

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  Sadr Orders Fighters to Lay Down Arms
  The Associated Press

  Friday 27 August 2004

  The rebel cleric Muqtada Sadr today ordered his fighters to lay down their arms and leave Najaf and neighbouring Kufa.

  The call came after Iraq's top Shiite cleric made a dramatic return to Najaf and swiftly won agreement from the firebrand cleric and the government to end three weeks of fighting between his militia and US-Iraqi forces.

  Sadr issued the order in a statement to his Mahdi Army militia from his office in Najaf that was also broadcast through loudspeakers at the revered Imam Ali Shrine.

  "To all my brothers in Mahdi Army ... you should leave Kufa and Najaf without your weapons, along with the peaceful masses."

  Dozens of militants complied with the order, piling Kalashnikov rifles in front of Sadr's office. Thousands of al-Sadr's militiamen are still believed to be armed in the city, however.

  The five-point peace plan calls for Najaf and Kufa to be declared weapons-free cities, for all foreign forces to withdraw from Najaf, for police to be in charge of security, for the government to compensate those harmed by the fighting, and for a census to be taken to prepare for elections expected in the country by January.


  Go to Original

  Tentative Accord Reached in Najaf to Halt Fighting
  By Dexter Filkins and John F. Burns
  The New York Times

  Friday 27 August 2004

  NAJAF, Iraq, Friday, Aug. 27 - Aides to the country's most powerful Shiite leader said they had reached a tentative agreement on Thursday to end the three-week siege in this Shiite holy city, after a day of chaos and bloodshed here that left at least 74 Iraqis dead and more than 300 wounded.

  Hamed al-Khaffaf, an aide to Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, said that Moktada al-Sadr, the rebel cleric whose fighters have held the Imam Ali Shrine since early August, had agreed to the conditions set forth by Ayatollah Sistani to end the siege.

  The proposal, which the interim Iraqi government quickly accepted, calls for the withdrawal of Mr. Sadr's fighters from Najaf and the neighboring city of Kufa, as well as a pullout of American forces and the introduction of Iraqi police officers into Najaf. The agreement would allow Mr. Sadr and his fighters to keep their guns and go free.

  In celebration of the accord, thousands of Shiites marched to the shrine through the battle-scarred city on Friday morning.

   "We pray today that Najaf will recover,'' Kassem Hameed, a 52-year-old oil worker who came from Basra on Thursday to support Ayatollah Sistani, told Reuters. "The military operations have only brought destruction."

  In a statement broadcast Friday morning over the shrine's loudspeakers, Mr. Sadr told his men inside the mosque to lay down their weapons and join the pilgrims outside, Reuters reported. It was not immediately clear if the militia intended to leave the mosque for good.

  The deal was struck during a face-to-face meeting between the two men after the momentous homecoming of the 73-year-old Ayatollah Sistani to the city earlier in the day. The ayatollah had left the country just after the fighting began to receive treatment in London for a heart ailment. His return was well timed, coming just after Mr. Sadr's forces had been decimated by a series of blistering American attacks.

  The Americans halted combat operations on Thursday, but made clear they were prepared to resume and assault the shrine if Mr. Sadr did not quickly sign on to the pact.

   The deal announced Thursday followed a day of horrific violence, underscored by the execution of an Italian journalist, Enzo Baldoni, who disappeared last week while traveling to Najaf.

   In the neighboring city of Kufa, a mortar attack on a mosque where thousands of Iraqis were gathering left dozens dead and wounded. At least 35 Iraqi civilians were killed in two other incidents, when the Iraqi police fired into crowds of civilians who were trying to move toward the Shrine of Ali.

  One of those incidents occurred in the late afternoon, as thousands of Iraqis had gathered at the gates of Najaf's old city to heed Ayatollah Sistani's call to march on the holy shrine. But as the crowd pushed forward, a line of police officers appeared to panic, first firing into the air and then directly on the crowd.

  The police officers fired dozens of rounds, setting off a stampede of terrified people who ran, fell and tripped over one another as they tried to flee. At least 15 Iraqis were killed and 65 more wounded. Some of the injured said the police had fired on the crowd after they had been fired on themselves, but the claim could not be verified.

  But for this day, at least, the greater emphasis was on peace. If Mr. Sadr sticks to the deal, it will end one of the bloodiest episodes since the United States invaded the country, a grinding urban battle that has left hundreds of Iraqis dead and much of Najaf in ruins.

   The crisis, touched off when Mr. Sadr's men attacked an Iraqi police station earlier this month, has posed a difficult challenge to the interim Iraqi government, led by Prime Minister Ayad Allawi, which took office less than two months ago.

  "Mr. Moktada al-Sadr agreed to the initiative of his eminence al-Sistani," Mr. Khaffaf told reporters at a news conference outside the house where the grand ayatollah was staying. "You will hear good news soon from the government and Mr. Moktada al-Sadr."

  But deals with Mr. Sadr have crumbled before, and there were signs that this one could prove just as ephemeral as the others. Several times this month, and during the uprising called by Mr. Sadr last spring, American and Iraqi negotiators believed they had reached agreements with Mr. Sadr, only to learn that they had been mistaken.

  Mr. Sadr did not participate in the news conference called by Ayatollah Sistani's aides on Thursday night. He was spied slipping out to the street just as it got under way. Later, Mr. Sadr's promised public statement failed to materialize.

  As to highlight the extremely tenuous nature of the deal, Ayatollah Sistani's aides declined to discuss crucial aspects of the agreement, like how and when Mr. Sadr's fighters, the Mahdi Army, might actually pull out of the shrine.

  "It's too early to talk about details," Mr. Khaffaf said.

  By not insisting that Mr. Sadr appear publicly to announce the pact, Ayatollah Sistani's men seemed to be trying to offer the young cleric a face-saving way out of the crisis.

  "There will be a mechanism that will preserve the dignity of everyone in getting out of the holy shrine," Mr. Khaffaf told Al Jazeera television.

  The agreement does not require the surrender of Mr. Sadr, who is under indictment for murdering a rival cleric in Najaf last year, or any of his fighters. That seemed to raise the prospect of a repeat of the peace agreement reached in May, when Mr. Sadr was allowed to retreat gracefully with his army intact, only to return again.

  In a statement earlier in the day, Dr. Allawi seemed willing to forgive Mr. Sadr. "We'd like to stress again that we would provide Moktada a safe passage if he chooses to stop the armed conflict," the prime minister said in a statement.

  Mr. Khaffaf said the first step in implementing the agreement would be to allow the tens of thousands of Iraqis who heeded Ayatollah Sistani's call to march on the shrine to do so. As with much else in the agreement announced Thursday night, Mr. Khaffaf spoke vaguely about how the march would proceed but said the demonstrators had to be out of the city by Friday at 10 a.m.

  Senior American and Iraqi officials in Baghdad said the 24-hour cease-fire was agreed to in discussions in the southern city of Basra on Wednesday night between Ayatollah Sistani and two officials of the Allawi government. They said the Iraqis had returned to the capital saying they had Ayatollah Sistani's commitment that he would make a public demand that the last of the militiamen disarm and leave the shrine, and that if Mr. Sadr defied the demand they had the ayatollah's assurance that he would support an assault on the shrine by Iraqi commandos.

   The officials said American military pressures had eliminated virtually all resistance by the Mahdi Army outside the shrine itself. Intelligence reports indicated there were weapons hidden in the shrine, the officials said. Planning for an assault was based on the assumption that these would be used by some of the hundreds of Sadr supporters remaining in the shrine, who have told reporters in recent days that most of the fighters had left.

   Without an order from Mr. Sadr for these remaining fighters to leave, one American official said, "There will be a fight."

  Either way, the officials said, the Allawi government and American commanders believed the three weeks of fighting in Najaf would end quickly, either with a last-minute Sadr capitulation or with Iraqi forces storming the shrine. They said that a battalion of 500 Iraqi troops was ready for the assault, and that Iraqi and American commanders were confident the Iraqi troops would not fail.

   "We're close to being in a position to finish this," an American official said.

   Still, some officials at the American command complex in Saddam Hussein's former Republican Palace in Baghdad acknowledged that things could go still go awry.

   Since American troops toppled the Hussein government 16 months ago, Ayatollah Sistani has been careful to maintain an equivocal position on American military actions, usually condemning any use of force, by the Americans or the rebels. That left open the possibility that in Najaf, he could distance himself from the Americans by condemning the damage inflicted on the Old City by American bombs and tanks, and even leave Mr. Sadr free to claim that he acted all along to defend the shrine against American attacks.

  One of the last American actions before the cease-fire went into effect involved the use of a 2,000-pound, laser-guided bomb to strike a hotel about 130 yards from the shrine's southwest wall, in an area known to American commanders as "motel row."

  Dexter Filkins reported from Najaf for this article and John F. Burnsfrom Baghdad.


  Go to Original

  Iraqi Holy City Left Broken by Urban Warfare
  By Karl Vick
  The Washington Post

  Friday 27 August 2004

  NAJAF - Lt. Col. Jim Rainey describes the battle here as "tackle football in the hallway, with no roof on the hallway." It's an apt analogy for urban warfare in sometimes extremely close quarters.

  But after 21 days of merciless battering by U.S. weapons, parts of Najaf have very nearly no hallway at all. Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the most influential Shiite cleric in Iraq, negotiated a cease-fire Thursday, but not before parts of Najaf had been devastated.

  Pinpoint fire and tight restrictions on munitions ensure that the gold-domed Imam Ali shrine remained all but unscathed. But the core of the city around it, a destination of longing for millions of Shiite Muslims, is so mauled that American commanders debate which famously ruined wartime cityscape Najaf now resembles most.

  "It's like Stalingrad," a senior 5th Cavalry officer said.

  "Sarajevo," Rainey maintained.

  "Beirut," a Marine commander said.

  "Not Dresden," an Army field officer said while standing watch at a panorama of blackened, half-destroyed buildings a few dozen yards north of the glittering shrine. "Not enough fire."

  The damage to Najaf is the consequence of an urban setting for battle, a woefully overmatched enemy and an American military doctrine that unites terrifying firepower with almost zero tolerance for casualties in its own ranks.

  "If we take fire from it, we destroy the whole building," an Army commander said Thursday, after he ordered junior officers in his headquarters to do just that, once they received clearance, against a structure the Mahdi Army militia, the enemy here, was using as a firebase.

  The staff had a broad assortment of weapons available at the other end of their radio handsets: the Marines' 155mm howitzers just behind the headquarters, Apache helicopter gunships on alert or swooping menacingly over the battlefield and a fighter-bomber on station at 10,000 feet.

  At one point this week, soldiers from a 1st Cavalry Division battalion led by M1-A1 Abrams tanks and heavily armored Bradley Fighting Vehicles watched in bemused wonder as their opponent sent a donkey with a rocket-propelled grenade strapped to its side onto the field of battle. The remote triggering device was a string running toward the building corner from which the animal had emerged.

  "We actually had reports of 'engage and destroy the donkey,' " said Maj. Tim Karcher of the 7th Cavalry Regiment. The animal appears to have died as another enemy casualty.

  The 7th Cav, once led by Gen. George Custer at Little Big Horn, has fared better in Najaf. Since arriving from north of Baghdad and setting up a cordon around a large section of the city south of the shrine, the unit's 2nd Battalion has fought almost nonstop for two weeks without losing a single soldier.

  Perhaps the closest call came this week, when a grenade exploded in a basement room where Sgt. Varitogi Taetulli was wrestling an insurgent. The fight was a miniature version of the larger battle: Taetulli, from American Samoa, weighs 230 pounds. The militiaman weighed perhaps half as much.

  But the crucial advantage was that Taetulli was wearing an armored vest. He escaped the grenade explosion alive and hollering to get back in the fight. The militiaman died immediately.

  "It's the best feeling in the world," Karcher said of the armor, technology and munitions that safeguard the U.S. force. "We've been given the best tools in the world for waging war."

  The battle for Najaf has been a study in the urban warfare that conventional wisdom says can only cause high American casualties. That is what U.S. invasion planners feared -- and subordinates of deposed president Saddam Hussein promised -- would occur last year in a protracted fight for Baghdad that never came.

  Officers of the 7th Cavalry said their experience over the past two weeks found such fears exaggerated. So far, 11 Americans have died in the fighting; Iraqi health officials say that hundreds of militiamen and other people have lost their lives.

  The 2nd Battalion was told to tighten the armored cordon around Najaf's old city, moving more than a mile through dense residential neighborhoods where Mahdi Army irregulars had enjoyed free rein.

  But there was little house-to-house fighting, officers said. Maj. Scott Jackson, the 2nd Battalion's executive officer, described U.S. forces advancing using a kind of citified version of the island-hopping strategy used in World War II in the Pacific, attacking the militia at its strong points and establishing strong points of its own, then dominating the surrounding terrain. Tanks were very useful.

  One strong point was tall buildings, which offered platforms for scores of American snipers. Precision fire was a must, given the bar imposed on firing heavy guns toward the shrine.

  The other strong point was schools. Militiamen found them convenient places to store arms and mount defenses. The 7th Cavalry took four on their march toward the shrine complex, in some cases shelling schoolhouses that other U.S. forces had boasted of rehabilitating as part of Iraq's reconstruction.

  One recent day, at the forward-most school the U.S. soldiers had occupied, a heavy machine gun was mounted on a child's desk and an orange banner hung from a second-story window to warn pilots against bombing the school by mistake.

  At the same time, the 7th Cavalry made efforts to show goodwill to residents who stuck it out through the fighting. More than once, medics set up a mobile clinic to treat Najafis, while soldiers handed out food -- pre-packaged chicken and beef dishes labeled in Arabic as halal, or approved for the Muslim diet.

  "The way you defeat an insurgency is by co-opting the population," Jackson said. "You don't end an insurgency by leveling the city."

  And yet, when the 7th Cavalry arrived at the road that rings the shrine's immediate neighborhood like a moat, it let loose a furious barrage. Multi-story buildings at the main intersection of the ring road crumbled under the Americans' combined-weapons warfare -- bombs and missiles from the skies, shells from distant artillery, direct fire from the 25mm chain guns of Bradley Fighting Vehicles and the 120mm cannons of tanks.

  The intersection that pilgrims approach immediately before sighting the splendid shrine is now a hellish landscape of standing water, Swiss cheese walls and ruined hotels.

  Less than a mile away, the northern approach to the shrine is battle-savaged as well, framed by a bent metal banner proclaiming that in the end only God will be alive.

  "We are destroying this city," a Marine officer said with a sigh at one point in the battle, described by some locals as a siege.

  How the Arab world sees the damage is a question that field commanders said they had little time to ask themselves as they constantly changed battle plans. Several noted it was Sadr who brought the fight to the holy city, not them.

  Field commanders add that key decisions on what to attack in the city, and how strongly, were made by senior officials in the U.S. command and Iraq's interim government. The Iraqis, who saw the militia takeover of Najaf as the most severe test to date of its new authority, had the ultimate say, the Americans say.

  But it would not hurt, one officer said, to announce reconstruction plans right away. If the destruction "is the price of shoring up the Iraqi government, then okay," one U.S. commander said while standing in the ruins. "But it probably wouldn't hurt if we found a way to make things right here."

  -------

  Jump to TO Features for Saturday August 28, 2004   

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