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Super Delegates Unswayed by Clinton's Attacks    •
Howard Dean: I Need a Decision "Now"    •

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    Robert Reich to Endorse Obama
    By John Heilemann
    New York Magazine

    Friday 18 April 2008

    If the Democratic presidential race were a poker game, by now you'd have to suspect that Barack Obama's campaign is dealing from the bottom of the deck: Rarely a day goes by when it doesn't slap another ace down on the table. The aces in this (possibly strained) metaphor are endorsements, and it often seems as if the Obama operation has an inexhaustible supply at its disposal. In the past week alone, it has announced the support of congressmen from North Carolina and Indiana; the Utah state party chair; the Oklahoma state party's chief fundraiser; 25 South Dakota state legislators; the owner of the Pittsburgh Steelers; and, not least, The Boss. Some of these endorsers are super-delegates, and thus of no small consequence to the outcome of the race. Others are simply window-dressing, deployed to create a sense of ineluctable momentum in Obama's direction. But none have the particular resonance of the endorsement that's coming - unbeknownst to the campaign - a little later today.

    The endorsement in question is that of Robert Reich, Bill Clinton's first Secretary of Labor and a friend of both the former president and his wife for four decades. Around 1:00pm EST, Reich informs me, he intends formally to declare his support for Obama on his blog.

    Now, in one sense, the Reich endorsement comes as no great surprise. For some time, it's been clear to anyone paying attention that Reich favors Obama. Back in December, in a blog post titled "Why is HRC Stooping So Low?," Reich loudly and sharply criticized Clinton's conduct in Iowa and defended Obama's proposals for health-care and Social Security reform. Two days before the race-charged South Carolina primary, he assailed Bill Clinton's "ill-tempered and ill-founded attacks" on Obama, arguing that they were "doing no credit to the former president, his legacy, or his wife's campaign." And all throughout the primary season, he has spoken and written of Obama's candidacy with evident admiration and enthusiasm.

    But Reich insists that the endorsement does indeed come as a surprise - to him. As we chatted in Washington, where Reich had come from Berkeley, where he teaches, to give a speech and meet with some Democrats on Capitol Hill, he explained that, despite the criticisms he's made of the Clintons ("I call it as I see it"), he had planned to refrain from offering an official backing for Obama out of respect for Hillary. "She's an old friend," Reich said, "I've known her 40 years. I was absolutely dead set against getting into the whole endorsement thing. I've struggled with it. I've not wanted to do it. Out of loyalty to her, I just felt it would be inappropriate."

    So what's changed? I asked Reich.

    "I saw the ads" - the negative man-on-street commercials that the Clinton campaign put up in Pennsylvania in the wake of Obama's bitter/cling comments a week ago - "and I was appalled, frankly. I thought it represented the nadir of mean-spirited, negative politics. And also of the politics of distraction, of gotcha politics. It's the worst of all worlds. We have three terrible traditions that we've developed in American campaigns. One is outright meanness and negativity. The second is taking out of context something your opponent said, maybe inartfully, and blowing it up into something your opponent doesn't possibly believe and doesn't possibly represent. And third is a kind of tradition of distraction, of getting off the big subject with sideshows that have nothing to do with what matters. And these three aspects of the old politics I've seen growing in Hillary's campaign. And I've come to the point, after seeing those ads, where I can't in good conscience not say out loud what I believe about who should be president. Those ads are nothing but Republicanism. They're lending legitimacy to a Republican message that's wrong to begin with, and they harken back to the past 20 years of demagoguery on guns and religion. It's old politics at its worst - and old Republican politics, not even old Democratic politics. It's just so deeply cynical."

    The Clinton campaign will, no doubt, shrug off the Reich endorsement of Obama. (And hey, who knows, maybe James Carville will get into the act and declare Reich a Benedict Arnold!) They will say that it's unlikely to move any votes, and that, since Reich is not a super-delegate, it does nothing tangible to move Obama even one inch closer to the nomination.

    All of which is true enough, as far as it goes. But beyond the bald fact of Reich's support for Obama, the Clinton campaign should pay heed to the reasoning behind it. In his disgust with Hillary's increasingly harsh tactics, Reich is hardly alone. Indeed, the feeling seems to be spreading more broadly in the party with every passing day. It's been clear for some time that Hillary's attacks on Obama were driving up her negatives. You could certainly argue this might be a price worth paying if those attacks were amping up doubts about him. But it's hard to see any logic - or even sanity - in the tactic if the result is to drive even people who once regarded Hillary dearly into Obama's arms.

 


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    Super Delegates Unswayed by Clinton's Attacks
    By Patrick Healy
    The New York Times

    Friday 18 April 2008

    Throughout their contentious debate on Wednesday, Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton tried again and again to put Senator Barack Obama on the defensive in a pointed attempt, her advisers say, to raise doubts about his electability among a small but powerful audience: the uncommitted superdelegates who will most likely determine the nomination.

    Yet despite giving it her best shot in what might have been their final debate, interviews on Thursday with a cross-section of these superdelegates - members of Congress, elected officials and party leaders - showed that none had been persuaded much by her attacks on Mr. Obama's strength as a potential Democratic nominee, his recent gaffes and his relationships with his former pastor and with a onetime member of the Weather Underground.

    In fact, the Obama campaign announced endorsements from two more superdelegates on Thursday, after rolling out three on Wednesday and two others since late last week in what appeared to be a carefully orchestrated show of strength before Tuesday's Pennsylvania primary. Obama advisers said that one of the pickups on Thursday, Councilman Harry Thomas Jr. of the District of Columbia, had initially favored Mrs. Clinton, but Clinton advisers denied that, and a Thomas aide said he had been neutral before Thursday.

    In interviews, 15 uncommitted superdelegates said they did not believe that recent gaffes by both candidates would carry any particular influence over their final decision. They said they had particularly tired of all the attention, by the Clinton campaign and the news media, on Mr. Obama's recent comment that some Americans were "bitter" over the economy and chose to "cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them" as a result.

    And if there were some moments of concern reflected in the debate - the talk of Mrs. Clinton's high unfavorability ratings, Mr. Obama's flashes of annoyance - they all doubted that those moments would be deal-breakers, either. Instead, most of the superdelegates said they wanted to wait for the results of at least the next major primaries - in Pennsylvania on Tuesday and Indiana and North Carolina two weeks later - before choosing a candidate.

    "I feel like we've heard a lot about gaffes as they relate to electability, but what really matters to people is how to deal with the economy and create jobs," said John W. Olsen, an uncommitted superdelegate from Connecticut and president of the A.F.L.-C.I.O. there. "I also want to wait and hear from all of the Democrats in the primaries and caucuses who haven't had a chance to choose and vote yet."

    Clinton advisers acknowledged that they had not seen short-term evidence that their attacks on Mr. Obama were winning over many superdelegates, and they acknowledged that he had picked up more in recent weeks - though she maintained a narrowing overall lead in them. They predicted, however, that the mounting scrutiny of Mr. Obama would lead superdelegates to cool to his candidacy and come to see her as more of a known quantity, battle tested, and shrewd about the best ways to beat the presumptive Republican nominee, Senator John McCain, in the fall.

    "When it comes to picking a candidate, automatic delegates don't want to guess about what lies behind Door No. 2, they want to know," said Phil Singer, a Clinton spokesman. "The debate raised more questions about Senator Obama than have been answered, and that means that automatic delegates are likely to keep their powder dry as the process moves forward."

    In response, an Obama spokesman, Hari Sevugan, said Thursday: "Since Feb. 5, Senator Obama has garnered the support of 80 superdelegates to Senator Clinton's 5. We'll let the results of Senator Clinton's 'kitchen sink' strategy speak for themselves."

    Some Clinton advisers also said that the focus on Mr. Obama's "guns or religion" comment was a way to put him on the spot with so-called values voters - in part to offset Mrs. Clinton's baggage in this area. According to the latest New York Times/CBS News poll, conducted March 28-April 2 with 1,196 registered voters nationwide, 60 percent of them believe Mrs. Clinton shared the values that most Americans tried to live by, and 34 percent did not. Both Mr. Obama and Mr. McCain fared better, with Mr. Obama performing best - 70 percent said he shared those values, and 21 percent said he did not.

    Some of the uncommitted superdelegates interviewed said they were concerned about whether Mr. Obama reflected the values and interests of voters in states that Democrats aim to carry in November or hope to steal from Republicans, like some Southern states that they typically do not win in a general election. Yet they said they had had these concerns for some time - and Wednesday night's debate had not intensified them.

    "Obama argues that he will put more states in play, but I haven't seen him put the coalitions together as strongly as we need to," said Joe Turnham, an uncommitted superdelegate who is chairman of the Alabama Democratic Party. (Mr. Obama won the Alabama primary in February; Mr. Turnham has known the Clintons for many years.)

    "You have to put together blue-collar workers, veterans, seniors and swing evangelical voters and compete in states like West Virginia, Kentucky, Arkansas, Florida, Ohio and Pennsylvania," he added. "I feel like Hillary has shown more strength there."

    Mr. Obama sought to allay concerns about questions of his electability on Thursday. At a campaign stop in Raleigh, N.C., a woman told Mr. Obama that he was "really pummeled during the debate." She continued, "What is your strategy to beat the Republicans in November?"

    "That was the rollout of the Republican campaign against me in November. It happened just a little bit early, but that is what they will do," Mr. Obama said. "They will try to focus on all these issues that don't have anything to do with how you are paying your bills at the end of the month. There's no doubt that I will have to respond sharply and crisply, then pivot to talk about what exactly are we going to do for the economy and what are we going to do about the war in Iraq."

    Until the nominating fight ends, Mr. Obama said, he is "trying to show some restraint." He added, "I won't have as much restraint with the Republicans."

    Supporters of Mr. Obama have expressed concern about the bitter ferocity of the Democratic race, particularly with Mrs. Clinton and Mr. McCain sounding similar themes of criticism against Mr. Obama. They used Wednesday's debate as the latest example to superdelegates that the prolonged nominating fight could be damaging to the party.

    "And I have to say Senator Clinton looked in her element," Mr. Obama said, speaking to an audience of North Carolina voters. "She was taking every opportunity to get a dig in there. You know, that's all right. That's her right. That's her right to kind of twist the knife a little bit."

    Indeed, several superdelegates said they had been put off by negative moments in the debate.

    "What I'm hearing from voters in this state who have been uncommitted or not solidly behind any candidate is that they are increasingly frustrated with the negativism going on, mostly on her side," said Patricia Waak, the Colorado state party chairwoman. (Mr. Obama won the Colorado primary in a landslide.)

    "In general what I heard this morning was just negative, negative, negative," Ms. Waak said. "As far as Obama's comment on guns and religion, mostly what I've heard from people in general is, 'it's true.' "

    One superdelegate, Reggie Whitten of Oklahoma, endorsed Mr. Obama on Tuesday because, he said, he believed the candidate needed a new public vote as the Clinton camp was battering him daily over the bitter remark.

    "I don't think all of this divisiveness is helping him, so it was a good time to send a signal of support from a conservative state like Oklahoma that we believe in him," said Mr. Whitten, a lawyer from a suburb of Oklahoma City.

    ---------

    Jeff Zeleny, George A. Sargia and Marina Stefan contributed reporting.

 


    Go to Original

    Howard Dean: I Need a Decision "Now"
    CNN

    Thursday 17 April 2008

    An increasingly firm Howard Dean told CNN again Thursday that he needs superdelegates to say who they're for - and "I need them to say who they're for starting now."

    "We cannot give up two or three months of active campaigning and healing time," the Democratic National Committee Chairman told CNN's Wolf Blitzer. "We've got to know who our nominee is."

    After facing criticism for a mostly hands-off leadership style during much of the primary season, Dean has been steadily raising the rhetorical pressure on superdelegates. He said Thursday that roughly 65 percent of them have made their preference plain, but that more than 300 have yet to make up their minds.

    The national party chair, who has remained neutral throughout the primary process, said again it's his job to make sure both candidates feel they are treated fairly - but not to tell either of them when to end their run.

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