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Pariah Diplomacy
By Jimmy Carter
The New York Times
Monday 28 April 2008
Atlanta - A counterproductive Washington policy in recent years has been to
boycott and punish political factions or governments that refuse to accept United
States mandates. This policy makes difficult the possibility that such leaders
might moderate their policies.
Two notable examples are in Nepal and the Middle East. About 12 years ago,
Maoist guerrillas took up arms in an effort to overthrow the monarchy and change
the nation's political and social life. Although the United States declared
the revolutionaries to be terrorists, the Carter Center agreed to help mediate
among the three major factions: the royal family, the old-line political parties
and the Maoists.
In 2006, six months after the oppressive monarch was stripped of his powers,
a cease-fire was signed. Maoist combatants laid down their arms and Nepalese
troops agreed to remain in their barracks. Our center continued its involvement
and nations - though not the United States - and international organizations
began working with all parties to reconcile the dispute and organize elections.
The Maoists are succeeding in achieving their major goals: abolishing the monarchy,
establishing a democratic republic and ending discrimination against untouchables
and others whose citizenship rights were historically abridged. After a surprising
victory in the April 10 election, Maoists will play a major role in writing
a constitution and governing for about two years. To the United States, they
are still terrorists.
On the way home from monitoring the Nepalese election, I, my wife and my son
went to Israel. My goal was to learn as much as possible to assist in the faltering
peace initiative endorsed by President Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice. Although I knew that official United States policy was to boycott the
government of Syria and leaders of Hamas, I did not receive any negative or
cautionary messages about the trip, except that it might be dangerous to visit
Gaza.
The Carter Center had monitored three Palestinian elections, including one
for parliamentary seats in January 2006. Hamas had prevailed in several municipal
contests, gained a reputation for effective and honest administration and did
surprisingly well in the legislative race, displacing the ruling party, Fatah.
As victors, Hamas proposed a unity government with Mahmoud Abbas of Fatah as
president and offered to give key ministries to Fatah, including that of foreign
affairs and finance.
Hamas had been declared a terrorist organization by the United States and Israel,
and the elected Palestinian government was forced to dissolve. Eventually, Hamas
gained control of Gaza, and Fatah is "governing" the Israeli-dominated
West Bank. Opinion polls show Hamas steadily gaining popularity. Since there
can be no peace with Palestinians divided, we at the Carter Center believed
it important to explore conditions allowing Hamas to be brought peacefully back
into the discussions. (A recent poll of Israelis, who are familiar with this
history, showed 64 percent favored direct talks between Israel and Hamas.)
Similarly, Israel cannot gain peace with Syria unless the Golan Heights dispute
is resolved. Here again, United States policy is to ostracize the Syrian government
and prevent bilateral peace talks, contrary to the desire of high Israeli officials.
We met with Hamas leaders from Gaza, the West Bank and Syria, and after two
days of intense discussions with one another they gave these official responses
to our suggestions, intended to enhance prospects for peace:
- Hamas will accept any agreement negotiated by Mr. Abbas and Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert of Israel provided it is approved either in a Palestinian referendum
or by an elected government. Hamas's leader, Khaled Meshal, has reconfirmed
this, although some subordinates have denied it to the press.
- When the time comes, Hamas will accept the possibility of forming a nonpartisan
professional government of technocrats to govern until the next elections can
be held.
- Hamas will also disband its militia in Gaza if a nonpartisan professional security
force can be formed.
- Hamas will permit an Israeli soldier captured by Palestinian militants in 2006,
Cpl. Gilad Shalit, to send a letter to his parents. If Israel agrees to a list
of prisoners to be exchanged, and the first group is released, Corporal Shalit
will be sent to Egypt, pending the final releases.
- Hamas will accept a mutual cease-fire in Gaza, with the expectation (not requirement)
that this would later include the West Bank.
- Hamas will accept international control of the Rafah crossing between Gaza
and Egypt, provided the Egyptians and not the Israelis control closing the gates.
In addition, Syria's president, Bashir al-Assad, has expressed eagerness
to begin negotiations with Israel to end the impasse on the Golan Heights. He
asks only that the United States be involved and that the peace talks be made
public.
Through more official consultations with these outlawed leaders, it may yet
be possible to revive and expedite the stalemated peace talks between Israel
and its neighbors. In the Middle East, as in Nepal, the path to peace lies in
negotiation, not in isolation.
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Jimmy Carter, the 39th president, is the founder of the Carter Center
and the winner of the 2002 Nobel Peace Prize.
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